Presidential Papers, Doc#1355 Top secret To Winston Spencer Churchill, 22 March 1955. In The Papers of Dwight David Eisenhower

Document #1355; March 22, 1955
To Winston Spencer Churchill
Series: EM, AWF, International Series: Churchill ; Category: Top secret

The Papers of Dwight David Eisenhower, Volume XVI - The Presidency: The Middle Way
Part VII: "Nothing could be worse than global war"; January 1955 to May 1955
Chapter 15: Searching "for an honorable peace"

 

Dear Winston: The last sentence of your letter, with its implication that you are soon to withdraw from active political life, started, in my memories, a parade of critical incidents and great days that you and I experienced together, beginning at the moment we first met in Washington, December, 1941.1 Since reading it I have been suffering from an acute case of nostalgia.

First I recall those late days of 1941, when this country was still shuddering from the shock of Pearl Harbor. I think of those occasions during the succeeding months when I was fortunate enough to talk over with you some of the problems of the war, and I especially think of that Washington visit of yours in June of '42, when we had to face the bitter reality of the Tobruk disaster.2

Somewhere along about that time must have marked the low point in Allied war fortunes. Yet I still remember with great admiration the fact that never once did you quail at the grim prospect ahead of us; never did I hear you utter a discouraged word nor a doubt as to the final and certain outcome.

Later, of course, we were often together as we planned the TORCH Operation, the Sicilian venture, the move into Italy, and the campaign through Normandy. Then, in these later years, starting with my return to Europe in January of '51, I have valued beyond calculation my opportunities to meet with you, especially when those meetings were concerned with the military and diplomatic problems of the free world and our struggle against the evil conspiracy centering in the Kremlin. Because I do so highly value this long association and friendship with you, I echo your hope that the impending divergence of our lives will apply to political occasions only. Indeed, I entertain the further hope that with greater leisure, you will more often find it possible to visit us in this country--after all, we do have a fifty percent share in your blood lines, if not in your political allegiance.3

Of course both Foster and I have been unhappy about the affair of the Yalta papers.4 Actually we had hoped that we had made adequate arrangement for an indefinite postponement of the appearance of the documents; an unexplained leak finally put the State Department in the position that it had either to release the papers publicly or to allow one lone periodical a complete scoop in the matter.5

As for myself, you know how earnestly I have argued that no matter what else might happen, really good international friends cannot ever afford to be guilty of bad faith, one toward the other. I pray that you do not consider that any such thing was intended in this case.

Ever since 1945, I have argued for the declassification of war records in order that our countries could profit from past mistakes. But I have also insisted that where documents touch upon our combined alliances and arrangements of the late war, published accounts should be limited to a recitation of fact and decision--they should not include mere conversation or gossip.

I think the entire subject is one to which we should give some attention because I am certain that future political battles will create, in some instances, irresistible demands for the publication of particular papers. At least I suspect that this will be true in this country and consequently I think we should prepare as intelligently as possible for this eventuality.6

Foster has just returned from Canada where he had a series of very fine visits with the members of the Canadian Government. While there, he had an opportunity to explain the reasons for our attitude in the Formosa matter.7

As you know, I am dedicated to the idea that unless the free world can stand firmly together in important problems, our strength will be wasted and we shall in the long run be ineffective in our struggle to advance freedom in the world and to stop the spread of Communism. I believe it to be especially important that we seek to understand each other's viewpoints in Southeast Asia, because in that region we have a very delicate--sometimes dangerously weak--situation and one to which the future welfare and fortunes of the free world are definitely related. If we can achieve the kind of common understanding and thinking that we should, then I feel that there will never be any doubts as to this country's readiness to stand firmly by the side of any other free nation opposing aggression in that region. We have no possessions in that immediate area. Consequently, we cannot be accused of any support of colonialism or of imperialistic designs. We recognize situations that have been properly and legally established and we certainly want to halt Communism dead in its tracks.

To do this, one of the essentials is a strong and continuous land defense of Formosa. This can be done--certainly under present conditions--only by Chiang Kai-shek and his troops. This in turn means that their morale and their vigor, their training and equipment, must all be adequately assured. Until the time comes that they themselves feel that their morale can be sustained, even though their forces are withdrawn from all of their outlying positions, we must be exceedingly careful of the pressures we attempt to apply to Chiang to bring about such a result.

Except for this one feature, I agree entirely with the thoughts you have expressed in your former letters on this touchy subject, and I hope also that you have no difficulty of seeing the importance of this morale feature in Formosa.8

As to the "portrait": Since Mr. Stephens has come back, I have had no opportunity to meet with him to go over the work he did on my behalf.9 However, in the meantime I discovered a small black and white print of a portrait of you that was painted some years ago. In order to obtain some practice in the task I had set for myself, I have painted a small canvas, using this photograph as a guide. I do not know the name of the original artist, but it is a picture of you sitting in a straight-backed chair, in a panelled study, and holding a cigar in your right hand. Considering my lack of qualifications in this field, it did not turn out badly and I have had a color photograph made of it, which I am forwarding with this letter.10

Actually, I have not had time to complete every detail of this particular canvas because I must say that it is difficult for me to give a fairly realistic impression of the stripes in a statesman's trousers. I could wish that, at least for the day you sat for that portrait, you could have worn your wartime "zipper suit."

With my affectionate regard and my most prayerful wishes for your continued good health and happiness, As ever

1 In a paragraph complimenting Eisenhower on his message to the prime ministers of the seven signatory nations to the Western European Union, Churchill had concluded, "I am sorry that we shall never meet in a top level confrontation of our would-be friend, but I hope indeed this applies to political occasions only" (Mar. 18, 1955, AWF/I: Churchill; for Eisenhower's message see Public Papers of the Presidents: Eisenhower, 1955, pp. 325-28; for background on Churchill's desire for a meeting with the Soviet leaders see no. 963).

2 For Eisenhower's wartime meetings with Churchill see Chandler, War Years, and Eisenhower, Crusade in Europe, pp. 85, 241, 367.

3 American-born Jenny Jerome was Churchill's mother.

4 On March 16 the State Department had made public the record of the 1945 Yalta Conference headed by Churchill, President Roosevelt, and Soviet Premier Stalin.

5 Many Republican party leaders had long supported the repudiation of the agreements made at Yalta and the publication by the State Department of the secret records of the World War II conferences (Ferrell, ed., Diary of James C. Hagerty, pp. 135, 137-38, 211; Legislative leaders meeting minutes, Dec. 13, 1954, AWF/LM; Reichard, Reaffirmation of Republicanism, pp. 52-55; New York Times, Mar. 20, 1955; Ambrose, Eisenhower, vol. II, The President, pp. 47, 54, 65-67; see also Memo for the Files, Aug. 17, 1954, and Memorandum for Mrs. Whitman, Aug. 18, 1954, WHCF/CF: State Dept.; and Galambos, NATO and the Campaign of 1952, nos. 805 and 946). The State Department had printed the Yalta Conference minutes in January and had planned to publish the record on the anniversary of the conference. The British government, however, had opposed the release (Memorandum of Conversation, Jan. 20, 1955, Dulles Papers, White House Memoranda Series; New York Times, Mar. 20, 1955).

As a result of British objections, the State Department had announced on March 14 that they would not publish the papers due to national security concerns and the effect publication would have on other nations. The department would, however, release twenty-four copies of the transcripts to legislative leaders and committee chairmen. The following day the New York Times obtained a copy of the papers on the condition that if the newspaper published the documents at all, they would publish them in full. The Chicago Tribune, learning that another newspaper had the text, then contacted its Washington Bureau for assistance in having the documents made available to the press. After holding a luncheon meeting with Senate leaders on March 16 and receiving a reluctant agreement from British Foreign Minister Eden, Secretary Dulles had announced that copies of the report would be available at 9 p.m. that evening (Ferrell, ed., Diary of James C. Hagerty, pp. 211-13, 216; Memorandum of Conversation, Mar. 24, 1955, Dulles Papers, White House Memoranda Series; Telephone conversations, Eisenhower and Dulles, Mar. 22, Mar. 25, 1955, Dulles Papers, Telephone Conversations; New York Times, Mar. 15-18, 20, 1955; see also Telephone conversations, Mar. 15, 16, 1955, Dulles Papers, Subject Series: Yalta-Malta Papers; Press and Radio News Conference, Mar. 15, 1955, McCardle Papers; and Dulles to Eden, Mar. 23, 1955, Dulles Papers, Chronological Series. For Eisenhower's comments regarding the release see Public Papers of the Presidents: Eisenhower, 1955, pp. 359-60, 362; and for the record of the conference see U.S. Department of State, Foreign Relations of the United States, 1944, 9 vols. [Washington, D.C., 1955-1972], The Conferences at Malta and Yalta, 1945 [1955]). Ann Whitman recorded that Eisenhower thought the publication of the Yalta documents "a great mistake" (Mar. 22, 1955, AWF/AWD).

6 Eisenhower had discussed with Dulles the importance of "an agreed upon official text" before public release of conference documents (Telephone conversation, Mar. 22, 1955, Dulles Papers, Telephone Conversations).

7 Dulles had returned on March 20 from a three-day official visit to Ottawa. For the summary of his remarks before the Canadian Cabinet on March 18 see AWF/D-H; see also State, Foreign Relations, 1955-1957, vol. II, China, p. 384; for U.S. policy toward Formosa see no. 1308.

8 For Churchill's earlier letters see nos. 1300 and 1308.

9 Eisenhower had asked artist Thomas Edgar Stephens to prepare sketches of Churchill preliminary to a portrait the President wanted to paint of the Prime Minister (see no. 1198). In a postcript to his letter Churchill had asked Eisenhower how he was progressing. "I hope you will show it to me when it is finished," he said, "and I warn you I shall claim full rights of retaliation."

10 On the enclosed photograph Eisenhower had written, "With apologies to my friend Winston from Ike."

Bibliographic reference to this document:
Eisenhower, Dwight D. Top secret To Winston Spencer Churchill, 22 March 1955. In The Papers of Dwight David Eisenhower, ed. L. Galambos and D. van Ee, doc. 1355. World Wide Web facsimile by The Dwight D. Eisenhower Memorial Commission of the print edition; Baltimore, MD: The Johns Hopkins University Press, 1996, http://www.eisenhowermemorial.org/presidential-papers/first-term/documents/1355.cfm

 


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