Presidential Papers, Doc#170 To Joseph William Martin, Jr., 1 May 1953. In The Papers of Dwight David Eisenhower

Document #170; May 1, 1953
To Joseph William Martin, Jr.
Series: EM, AWF, Administration Series: Reciprocal Trade Agreements

The Papers of Dwight David Eisenhower, Volume XIV - The Presidency: The Middle Way
Part II: Settling into "the long pull"; May 1953 to August 1953
Chapter 3: "A time for continued vigilance"

 

Dear Mr. Speaker: In the Message which I sent to the Congress on April seventh requesting a one-year extension of the present Reciprocal Trade Agreements Act, I referred to the need for a thorough reexamination of our whole foreign economic policy.1

I now recommend that a commission be established to make this review. The review should provide the basis for action during the next session of the Congress.

It is my belief that the proposed commission should be made up of members of the Congress appointed by the Vice President and the Speaker of the House, and members appointed by myself from outside the Congress. It should be representative of both major parties.2 This is appropriate since commercial policy is an integral part of our total foreign policy for which broad national support is vital.

This commission naturally should work within the framework of our foreign policy and our global defense plans. Close liaison should be maintained with the group set up under the auspices of the State Department to follow up the economic and financial talks held earlier this spring between the United States and various European countries.3

The commission should study all existing legislation and the regulations and administrative procedures stemming from it which bear directly on our foreign economic relations. This review should seek to determine how these laws can be modified or improved so as to achieve the highest possible levels of international trade without subjecting parts of our economy to sudden or serious strains.

An inquiry of this nature is imperative. The economic policy of this nation exercises such a profound influence on the entire free world that we must consider carefully each step we take. Changes in foreign economic policy--even those which at first have relatively slight consequences within this country--may either strengthen our allies or plunge them into a downward spiral of trade and payment restrictions, lower production, and declining living standards.

Our foreign economic policy also has important implications here at home. Declining imports will necessarily mean falling exports, resulting in a serious loss of markets for our agriculture and other industries. Expanded imports may require some adjustments in our country. We must make sure that changes in foreign economic policy consonant with our position as the world's greatest creditor nation do not benefit particular groups at the expense of the national welfare, but we must also make sure that such changes do not place unequal burdens on particular groups.

As I indicated in my previous Message, the achievement of a strong and self-supporting economic system in the free world, capable of providing adequate defense against aggression and of achieving rising standards of living, must be a cooperative effort. Through increasing two-way international trade and stimulating in every practical way the flow of private investment abroad we can strengthen the free world, including ourselves, in natural and healthy ways. By so doing, we can lessen and ultimately eliminate the heavy burden of foreign aid which we now bear. Both we and our friends abroad earnestly desire to see regular trade and investment replace grant assistance.

In launching a broad-gauge study into the question of what our foreign economic policy should be, I think we can prepare the way for a fuller utilization of the economic strength of the free world in the cause of peace and prosperity.4 Sincerely

1 For background see nos. 26 and 33. In early March Britain and the United States had held talks on the Western European problem of exporting enough to pay for American military aid. U.S. industries as disparate as hatmaking and coal warned against lowering U.S. tariffs, and House Ways and Means Committee Chairman Daniel A. Reed opposed a tariff reduction. At the end of March Pennsylvania Republican Congressman Richard Murray Simpson had introduced a bill extending the trade act but granting discretionary authority to raise or lower tariff rates to the U.S. Tariff Commission. One commentator said this measure would make the President a "mere messenger boy for the Tariff Commission" (Morgan to Eisenhower, Apr. 2, 1953, AWF/A: Reciprocal Trade Agreements). The President's April 7 message had proposed a simple extension of the law "pending completion of a thorough and comprehensive re-examination of the foreign economic policy of the United States" (Public Papers of the Presidents: Eisenhower, 1953, pp. 163-65; see also New York Times, Apr. 8, 1953).

In June Simpson and pro-tariff Republicans on the Ways and Means Committee would agree to restore full presidential power in exchange for a provision enlarging the bipartisan Tariff Commission from six to seven members, thus in effect giving Republicans control of the panel. Simpson's amended measure passed the House in mid-June; in early July the Senate passed its own bill, and after a House-Senate conference committee settled differences between the two chambers (leaving the Tariff Commission unchanged), Eisenhower on August 7 would sign the extension act. It provided for a seventeen-member commission "to make a careful study," as Eisenhower said, "of these intricate relationships in order that we may chart a sound course for the nation." This body would be called the Commission on Foreign Economic Policy (Public Papers of the Presidents: Eisenhower, 1953, pp. 163-65; see also New York Times, Aug. 8, 1953).

2 Vice-President Nixon would name Republican Senators Eugene D. Millikin of Colorado, Bourke B. Hickenlooper of Iowa, and Prescott Bush of Connecticut to the commission, along with Democrats Harry F. Byrd of Virginia and Walter F. George of Georgia. Speaker Martin would appoint Daniel A. Reed, Richard M. Simpson, and Ohio Congressman John M. Vorys, all Republicans, and Democrats Jere Cooper of Tennessee and Laurie C. Battle of Alabama. The President would select financier John Hay Whitney; Jesse W. Tapp, Bank of America executive vice-president; David John McDonald, president of the United Steelworkers of America; Cola G. Parker, Kimberly-Clark chairman of the board; John H. Williams, Harvard University professor of political economy; and Lamar Fleming, Jr., president of Anderson, Clayton & Co., of Houston, who would be vice-chairman of the commission. As chairman Eisenhower would select Clarence B. Randall, chairman of the board of Inland Steel Company and author of Freedom's Faith (Boston, 1953) (New York Times, Aug. 15, 23, 1953, Jan. 24, 1954. See also State, Foreign Relations, 1952-1954, vol. I, General: Economic and Political Matters, pt. 1, pp. 49-50; and Burtin I. Kaufman, Trade and Aid: Eisenhower's Foreign Economic Policy, 1953-1961 [Baltimore, 1982], pp. 18-19).

3 On the Dulles-Stassen trip to Europe, January 21-February 8, 1953, see State, Foreign Relations, 1952-1954, vol. V, Western European Security, pt. 2, pp. 1548-81.

4 Martin's letter in acknowledgment, dated May 2, 1953, and other documents concerning this issue are in WHCF/OF 116-M. For further developments see nos. 229, 250, and 445.

Bibliographic reference to this document:
Eisenhower, Dwight D. To Joseph William Martin, Jr., 1 May 1953. In The Papers of Dwight David Eisenhower, ed. L. Galambos and D. van Ee, doc. 170. World Wide Web facsimile by The Dwight D. Eisenhower Memorial Commission of the print edition; Baltimore, MD: The Johns Hopkins University Press, 1996, http://www.eisenhowermemorial.org/presidential-papers/first-term/documents/170.cfm

 


Dwight D. Eisenhower Memorial Commission
1629 K Street, NW Suite 801
Washington DC 20006
Phone: 202.296.0004    Fax: 202.296.6464