Presidential Papers, Doc#1768 Personal and confidential To Claude Ellis Forkner, 3 March 1956. In The Papers of Dwight David Eisenhower

Document #1768; March 3, 1956
To Claude Ellis Forkner
Series: EM, AWF, Name Series ; Category: Personal and confidential

The Papers of Dwight David Eisenhower, Volume XVI - The Presidency: The Middle Way
Part IX: "Concerning my political intentions"; December 1955 to April 1956
Chapter 19: The goal: A "durable peace"

 

Dear Dr. Forkner:1 General Snyder brought to me the notes that you had put down under the title "If I were President." I read it today with the keenest interest.

I cannot see how any individual of good will and some slight understanding of the difficulties in the world could quarrel with your analysis of the case, and I assure you that it would take no particular courage on my part to espouse the platform that you outline.2 In terms of advice to a troubled world it is filled, I think, with common sense and logical deduction. May I point out that time and time again I have insisted that, unless the union of the so-called free world rests solidly on a spiritual and moral base, all the economic, military and political help that we can give to others will assuredly be for naught.

But permit me for a moment to apply your doctrine to a specific case. As an example I will take relationships with Japan.

Japan has 90 million people, with an arable acreage no greater than that of California. It has few natural resources. It can live only through trade; that is, it must perform services for others by obtaining their raw materials, transforming these into items for human consumption, and selling them back in foreign fields. In this way, given markets, this industrious people can make a decent, or even a good, living.

We want Japan to make a good living not merely for the humanitarian and moral reasons of which you speak, but because Japan's membership in that group of nations which supports the concept of human dignity and self-government would be the most important asset our nation could have in the Far East. A friendly, free and reasonably prosperous Japan is an essential to our welfare and security.3

Now, how is she to achieve this status?

As I pointed out above, she must have trade, a trade in real volume.

Beginning almost three years ago, Foster Dulles and I, supported by a good many others, started to develop plans to bring this about.4 (We had a number of nations in mind, but, here, we are using Japan as one example.) Obviously Japan must trade either with us--and we provide the greatest and richest market in the world--or with other nations, particularly those that are her close neighbors. If she attempts to transport her goods all the way to South America, she runs into the sharp competition of American, German and British industry.

It seems obvious that we should do some reasonable part in helping her get markets of sufficient size. But the second that this is suggested, the anguished outcry from sections of our country is immediately heard by the politicians of Washington.5 Often this outcry is caused by fear rather than fact, but it is nonetheless intense. There is no moral argument--no argument of self interest--that we have been able to bring to bear that will really convince affected American manufacturers that it is to our net advantage to make more liberal trade arrangements with Japan. When we appeal to European allies to help out, they normally reply by citing their own poverty, taxes, hardships and unemployment.

The same people are the ones who argue hotly against so-called "foreign aid." Basing our conclusions upon the Christian principle of charity and the common brotherhood of man, some real aid would certainly be justified for the needy. But when we are, through aid, trying to help build up a nation whose strength and friendliness are important to us, there would seem to be an unimpeachable case for generosity.

But with the necessary help, in the amounts needed, coming from neither American trade nor foreign aid, the only other help could come from trade with other nations. As I pointed out before, the logical ones would be Red China and Manchuria. To a lesser extent Japan could trade also with India, Burma, the Philippines and Indonesia, all of which are poor countries. But, again, there are segments of America that believe that any trade with the Communists is vicious and tends to build up the strength and power of our deadly enemies, who thereby will gain the confidence to attack us. The opponents of such trade are indeed vociferous.6

And so we have still the problem of Japan; in spite of the normally generous heart of America.

I assure you that, behind closed doors and on innumerable occasions, I have argued this matter from the very platform that you outline in your letter, and have added to it the arguments of enlightened self-interest. Moreover I have pointed out that the free world has arrived at a juncture when it needs to read and re-read and take to heart the Sermon on the Mount or, indeed, the teachings of any one of the several great religions with which we are familiar. If we do not do so, the future contains many dark clouds.

The point I make is that at this moment the political leader, to advance the kind of thing I have alluded to above, must fight for small concessions. In the case of Japan, he must work to provide a little aid. He must try to lower our own tariff walls just a little. He must try to get other friendly nations to do likewise. And he must use every practical political expedient at his command to get a sufficient number of these small concessions, so that Japan, while still denied the means to grow as strong, friendly and prosperous as we should like, will at least, we hope, not fall prey to Communist enticement and will have the patience to look forward to greater and more sympathetic understanding among the nations opposed to Communistic atheism and dictatorship.

Thank you again for writing.

With best wishes, Sincerely

1 Claude Ellis Forkner (M.D. Harvard University 1926) had been the late Senator Robert Taft's physician. A draft of this letter with Eisenhower's extensive emendations is in AWF/Drafts.

2 After contrasting the communistic and democratic systems of government, Forkner had written that democratic countries must "reexamine their motives, their ideals, their actions . . . or be destroyed by default." In the effort to stem the Communist tide, the United States has forgotten human values both at home and abroad, he said; "political codes rather than moral codes have dominated our actions." If he were President, said Forkner, he would place moral, religious, and philosophical principles above all else in matters pertaining to government at the local, national, and international level. He would exert his "full influence, irrespective of the political implications, to combat the existence anywhere in the world of government without full and free representation." The Massachusetts physician had told General Snyder that Eisenhower was the only man he knew who could "take such a bold position of leadership" (Forkner to Snyder, Feb. 26, 1956, AWF/N, Forkner Corr.; see also "If I Were President," n.d., ibid.).

3 The President added the words "and security."

4 The United States and Japan had signed a Treaty of Friendship, Commerce, and Navigation in April 1953, and in September and October of that year the members of the General Agreement on Tariffs and Trade had held discussions regarding the admission of Japan to the organization (see State, Foreign Relations, 1952-1954, vol. I, General Economic and Political Matters, pt. 1, pp. 158-74; see also nos. 816, 908, and 1142).

5 Eisenhower inserted the words "by the politicians of" and added the concluding sentence of this paragraph.

6 For an example of this kind of criticism see no. 1761.

Bibliographic reference to this document:
Eisenhower, Dwight D. Personal and confidential To Claude Ellis Forkner, 3 March 1956. In The Papers of Dwight David Eisenhower, ed. L. Galambos and D. van Ee, doc. 1768. World Wide Web facsimile by The Dwight D. Eisenhower Memorial Commission of the print edition; Baltimore, MD: The Johns Hopkins University Press, 1996, http://www.eisenhowermemorial.org/presidential-papers/first-term/documents/1768.cfm

 


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