Presidential Papers, Doc#188 Diary, 14 May 1953. In The Papers of Dwight David Eisenhower

Document #188; May 14, 1953
Diary
Series: EM, AWF, DDE Diaries Series

The Papers of Dwight David Eisenhower, Volume XIV - The Presidency: The Middle Way
Part II: Settling into "the long pull"; May 1953 to August 1953
Chapter 3: "A time for continued vigilance"

 

During the first four months of this Administration's existence, there have gradually come forward a number of men who are establishing themselves as very competent, capable, and dedicated public servants. Since nothing is static in human affairs, I could not possibly say that my present opinion of these individuals will remain the same through the four-year term (assuming even that all of us live and keep our health). However, it may be interesting, when the time comes, for me to make up my own mind as to the identity of a logical successor, for me to look back on these notes and find in them impressions I have formed after four months of intimate association with these personalities.

First, the older group--of roughly my age or, in some cases, even a little older:

John Foster Dulles, Secretary of State.

I still think of him, as I always have, as an intensive student of foreign affairs. He is well informed and, in this subject at least, is deserving, I think, of his reputation as a "wise" man. Moreover, he is a dedicated and tireless individual--he passionately believes in the United States, in the dignity of man, and in moral values.

He is not particularly persuasive in presentation and, at times, seems to have a curious lack of understanding as to how his words and manner may affect another personality. Personally, I like and admire him; my only doubts concerning him lie in the general field of personality, not in his capacity as a student of foreign affairs.1

George Humphrey, Secretary of the Treasury.

He is a sound business type, possessed of a splendid personality, and truly interested in the welfare of the United States and of all the people that compose it. He is almost a direct opposite of the caricatured businessman that so often appears in the columns of the "liberal" press. He is persuasive in his presentations and usually has his facts well in hand. He is an acceptable figure in every conference and always adds something to its deliberations.2

Charles Wilson, Secretary of Defense.3

In his field, he is a really competent man. He is careful and positive, and I have no slightest doubt that, assisted by the team of civilian and military men he has selected, he will produce the maximum of security for this country at minimum or near minimum cost. If he fails, it will be because of his inability to sell himself and his programs to Congress. In this connection, if he will only make greater use of Roger Kyes (his principal Assistant, and selected by him personally) as the man to represent the Defense Department before Congress, I should say he will be making a very wise move.4 Kyes, also a good business executive, is likewise persuasive in conference and presentation. Already he has achieved a real standing with the various members of the Congress. On the other hand, Mr. Wilson is prone to lecture, rather than to answer, when asked a specific question. This not only annoys many members of the Congress, but it gives them unlooked for opportunities to discover flaws in reasoning and argument.

It is the one direction in which I feel that Charlie Wilson has a definite weakness. And, while I frequently advised him to delegate to Kyes and others maximum responsibility in this field of legislative work, I am still doubtful as to the final outcome.

The three above-named men are all of my age or slightly older. They are, nevertheless, very active members of the Administration and I invariably seek their advice and counsel in all affairs of great moment whether or not the subject directly affects the activities of their particular Departments.

Another group of people, somewhat younger, are likewise important in the Administration. The ones that come instantly to mind are:

My brother, Milton Eisenhower5--President, Penn State College.

Henry Cabot Lodge6--American Representative on the UN.

Herbert Brownell7--Attorney General.

Harold Stassen8--Director for Mutual Security.

Joseph Dodge9--Director of the Budget.

Oveta Hobby10--Secretary of Health, Education, and Welfare.

Sherman Adams11--Head of the White House Staff.

Charles Halleck12--Republican Leader in the House of Represen tatives.

Richard Nixon13--Vice President.

Senator William Knowland,14 of California.

Robert Stevens15--Secretary of the Army.

Robert Anderson16--Secretary of the Navy.

Robert Cutler17--my Administrative Assistant, and Director of the National Security Council.

C. D. Jackson18--my Administrative Assistant for Psychological Warfare Activities.

Dr. Arthur Flemming19--Director of Defense Mobilization.

Philip Young20--Chairman of the Civil Service Commission.

To this list, I could add a great many others. But most of them are individuals who, by reason of their very specialized assignments, do not figure prominently in councils and decisions of really broad scope. For example, Jerry Persons and his group of assistants;21 Dr. Hauge;22 and Tom Stephens.23

Of the list I have just named, I should remark as a general impression that none of them has really disappointed me; on the contrary, they have performed both individually and as a group beyond my original expectations. At this minute, I am not going to attempt to set down my opinion of the qualifications and personalities of each. It would take far too long. However, in a few cases, I do want to make some record of my current impressions.

So far as my brother Milton is concerned, I am, of course, a prejudiced witness. However, I have no hesitancy in saying I believe him to be the most knowledgeable and widely informed of all the people with whom I deal. He is a great character and personality, a humanitarian, and a truly capable organizer and leader. So far as I am concerned, he is at this moment the most highly qualified man in the United States to be President. This most emphatically makes no exception of me.24

Several years ago, the doctors threatened him with the possibility of some cardiac difficulty but, as I understand it, repeated examinations have shown no deterioration. He has, however, been working very hard and shows some signs of nervous tension. This is probably aggravated by--or, indeed, may be completely caused by--the very serious illness of Helen, his wife. Two years ago, it was discovered that she had a serious malignancy and, in recent months, there has been some slight recurrence. The doctors are hopeful that deep X-ray will cure her of this, but the answer is still problematical. It causes distress to the entire family and, of course, acutely so to Milton.

I would not, of course, offer to Milton--and he would not accept--any position in Government. He does, however, consult frequently with various members of the Government and is my most intimate general adviser. He has been of invaluable assistance in helping develop our reorganizational plans and has consented to make a visit as my personal representative to South America, to take place during his vacation period this coming summer.25

Next to Milton in general all-round capability (and I am speaking of capablities now with particular reference to governmental service), I would place Henry Cabot Lodge.26 He is well-educated, widely experienced, quick, shrewd, and possessed of a fine personality. He has long been in politics and is therefore apt to form judgments somewhat more colored by political considerations than would an individual whose background is more like Milton's. However, he is, by instinct and upbringing, an honorable man--and remains so even in political argument and discussion. He is doing a particularly good job in the United Nations, where his quickness of wit and his great ability and extemporaneous debate serve us very well indeed.

He has been quite unpopular with certain section[s] of the Republican Party--especially the so-called Reactionary Wing. There is no question, however, that he represents the general stream of American thinking far better than does an individual such as Senator Malone or any other of that particular school.27

Herb Brownell.28 Here is a man with long experience in politics, especially in the conduct of political campaigns. It would be natural to suppose that he would become hardboiled, and that the code by which he lives could scarcely be classified as one of high moral quality. The contrary seems to be true--certainly he has never suggested or proposed to me any action which could be considered in the slightest degree dishonest or unethical. His reputation with others seems to match my own high opinion of his capabilities as a lawyer, his qualities as a leader, and his character as a man. I am devoted to him and am perfectly confident that he would make an outstanding President of the United States.

Charlie Halleck.29 This man is a different type. He is a Phi Beta Kappa, which means at least that he is highly intelligent and mentally adept. He has had a reputation as being a ruthless politician, but I find him not only considerate and kind but a real team player. He does believe in discipline in an organization, and he has no patience whatsoever with the individuals that "stray off the reservation" when it comes to a matter of Republican regularity. He is charming company and, so far as I can determine, of exemplary tactfulness. Perhaps my opinion can be best expressed by merely stating the fact that he was high on my list of acceptable Vice-Presidents when my opinion was asked last July. And, since that time, he has steadily grown in my estimation.

Arthur Flemming30 and Philip Young.31 These two individuals are highly knowledgeable concerning governmental function and organization. Both are very well educated, Flemming now being President of Ohio Wesleyan, on leave--while Phil Young has just served several years as the Dean of Business School of Columbia University. I consider both to be invaluable in the Administration and respect highly the counsel and advice I get from them. They both seem to possess executive ability in an extraordinary degree and, all in all, it is difficult indeed to class anybody above them except in the single quality of broad experience. (Both are relatively young men.)

For the moment, I shall not attempt to go further in my descriptions of the individuals I have named herein, since the mere fact that I have named them implies correctly that I have for them real admiration and respect.

Over and beyond this list, there are others in business or in State Governments who rank highly in my estimation. At some later date, I shall attempt to list a few.32

1 One senses that Eisenhower, even as he wrote this, saw troubles ahead. Variously thought to be rigid, moralistic, and austere, Dulles nevertheless would remain high in Eisenhower's esteem to the end. In his memoir The White House Years: Waging Peace, 1956-1961 (Garden City, N.Y., 1965) Eisenhower would devote an entire chapter to his Secretary of State and their work together (pp. 361-73). A great deal has been written about the Eisenhower-Dulles relationship. See, for example, Ambrose, Eisenhower, vol. II, The President, pp. 442-45; William Bragg Ewald, Jr., Eisenhower the President: Crucial Days, 1951-1960 (Englewood Cliffs, N.J., 1981), pp. 208-13; Hoopes, The Devil and John Foster Dulles, pp. 138-41; and Richard H. Immerman, "Eisenhower and Dulles: Who Made the Decisions?" Political Psychology 1, no. 2 (1979), 3-20.

2 Eisenhower and Humphrey, whom he had not met before the fall of 1952, would become close personal friends as well as colleagues in government (see no. 2). Eisenhower was so impressed by Humphrey that he once considered a 1956 Republican ticket headed by Humphrey, with his brother Milton Eisenhower as the vice-presidential candidate. Humphrey would resign in July 1957, but Eisenhower continued to rely on his counsel (see Ambrose, Eisenhower, vol. II, The President, pp. 23, 254, 282, 433; Ewald, Eisenhower the President, pp. 65, 181, 190; Eisenhower, Mandate for Change, p. 87; and George M. Humphrey, The Basic Papers of George M. Humphrey as Secretary of the Treasury, 1953-1957, ed. Nathaniel R. Howard [Cleveland, Ohio, 1965], p. 579).

3 Wilson, another Cabinet officer whom Eisenhower had not known earlier, got off to a rocky start in Senate confirmation hearings when he balked at selling his General Motors stock (see no. 23). Later, he would disappoint Eisenhower because of his indecision and inability to control the Pentagon. Seen by some as opinionated and too outspoken, Wilson would resign in October 1957 (see Ambrose, Eisenhower, vol. II, The President, pp. 23, 40-41, 77-79, 90, 223, 299, 441; Eisenhower, Mandate for Change, pp. 86, 110-12; and Ewald, Eisenhower the President, p. 192).

4 Kyes (A.B. Harvard 1928), vice-president of the General Motors Corporation before his appointment in February as Deputy Secretary of Defense, had agreed to serve the Eisenhower Administration for one year only. Wilson persuaded him to stay on longer, but he would finally resign in March 1954, much to Eisenhower's disappointment (Eisenhower, Mandate for Change, p. 448; New York Times, Mar. 7, Apr. 15, 1954).

5 See n. 24 below.

6 See n. 26 below.

7 See n. 28 below.

8 Despite their somewhat awkward political relationship (see Galambos, NATO and the Campaign of 1952), Eisenhower had great regard for Stassen's abilities and energy. The President drew him into close Administration circles, where he made a full commitment to the mission at hand. His tendency to act independently would ultimately cause problems for Stassen, especially with Dulles, and he would resign during Eisenhower's second term (see Sherman Adams, Firsthand Report: The Story of the Eisenhower Administration [New York, 1961], pp. 64-65, 319, 327-28; Ambrose, Eisenhower, vol. II, The President, pp. 261, 322-23, 401-3, 447-48; and Eisenhower, Mandate for Change, p. 511).

9 Known and respected by Eisenhower since the mid-forties, Dodge was held in high regard in the Administration. He, like Kyes, would leave his post in April 1954 (New York Times, Mar. 28, 1954), only to be called back in November as Eisenhower's special assistant to head the newly created Council on Foreign Economic Policy (Adams, Firsthand Report, pp. 8, 45-46, 55, 169, 389; Ambrose, Eisenhower, vol. II, The President, p. 22; and Eisenhower, Mandate for Change, pp. 84, 125, 129).

10 Hobby, an experienced administrator, would leave her post in August 1955 to care for her ailing husband (Adams, Firsthand Report, p. 62; Ambrose, Eisenhower, vol. II, The President, p. 24; and Eisenhower, Mandate for Change, pp. 92, 495-97).

11 The mutual respect between Eisenhower and his chief of staff would hold steady throughout Adams's tenure at the White House, even amidst the embarrassing problems that developed in 1958. More than once, Eisenhower would name the laconic Adams as one who should be considered a possible successor (see Ambrose, Eisenhower, vol. II, The President, pp. 282, 289, 467-69, 480-82; Eisenhower, Mandate for Change, pp. 50, 57, 89, 118; Eisenhower, Waging Peace, pp. 311-18; Ewald, Eisenhower the President, pp. 52, 149, 161-65, 181, 257; and Adams's memoir, Firsthand Report).

12 See n. 29 below.

13 Eisenhower's relationship with Nixon was difficult and ambivalent; nevertheless, there was enough mutual dependency between the two leaders to keep Nixon on a list of possible successors (see Galambos, NATO and the Campaign of 1952; both memoirs by Eisenhower, Mandate for Change, and Waging Peace; both memoirs by Nixon, The Memoirs of Richard Nixon, 2 vols. [New York, 1978], and Six Crises [Garden City, N.Y., 1962]; and Ambrose's studies of the two, Eisenhower, vol. II, The President, and Nixon: The Education of a Politician, 1913-1962 [New York, 1987]).

14 William Fife Knowland, Republican of California and a publisher of the Oakland Tribune, had been a U.S. senator since 1945. In less than one month Knowland's importance to Eisenhower would increase greatly when ailing Senator Taft named him acting Senate Republican floor leader (New York Times, June 11, 1953).

15 Stevens, a lawyer and wealthy textile manufacturer from South Carolina (see Galambos, NATO and the Campaign of 1952, no. 985), would soon run afoul of Senator McCarthy and find himself deeply involved in the public furor that followed (see no. 741). He would resign in July 1955.

16 Anderson, a Texas Democrat turned Republican, was far and away Eisenhower's top choice as successor. Appointed Secretary of the Navy in December 1952, Anderson would leave that post in May 1954 to serve as Deputy Secretary of Defense; in Eisenhower's second term, he would become Secretary of the Treasury. Eisenhower was unsuccessful in his efforts to persuade Anderson to become a candidate for the vice-presidency in 1956 (Ambrose, Eisenhower, vol. II, The President, pp. 254, 282, 289, 320-21, 545-46; Eisenhower, Mandate for Change, pp. 96-97; and Ewald, Eisenhower the President, pp. 182, 191-93, 197-98).

17 Cutler, a close friend, was one of Eisenhower's most trusted advisers (Eisenhower, Mandate for Change, p. 271; Galambos, NATO and the Campaign of 1952, no. 30. See also Cutler's account of his relationship with the President, No Time for Rest [Boston, 1966]).

18 Cold war planner Jackson was an aggressive member of the President's team. He would, however, resign his post in March 1954 to return to his publishing responsibilities at Time-Life, Inc. After his return to private life, Eisenhower would continue to call on Jackson from time to time for special assignments.

19 See n. 30 below.

20 See n. 31 below.

21 General Wilton B. Persons, a longtime friend of Eisenhower, was an experienced specialist in congressional liaison (see Eisenhower Papers, vols. I-XIII). He was destined to replace Sherman Adams during Eisenhower's second term.

22 Eisenhower thought that Hauge qualified as a possible successor (Ambrose, Eisenhower, vol. II, The President, p. 289). Considered influential and versatile, Hauge would serve as a speechwriter and staff economist until the fall of 1958. In 1963 Eisenhower would comment on Hauge's intelligence, knowledge, and "integrity" (Eisenhower, Mandate for Change, p. 118).

23 The Irish-born Stephens, a politically astute lawyer who, in Adams's words, was a "rock of good sense and sound judgment," would serve as Special Counsel and appointments secretary to the President until February 1955 (Adams, Firsthand Report, pp. 54, 56, 57; Eisenhower, Mandate for Change, pp. 57, 117-18).

24 See Milton Eisenhower's account of his role as adviser and confidant to his brother, The President is Calling. See also Ewald, Eisenhower the President, p. 189; and no. 827.

25 See Milton Eisenhower, The Wine is Bitter; and in this volume, no. 259.

26 By all accounts, Eisenhower would consistently list Lodge among his choices for presidential succession (see Adams, Firsthand Report, p. 221; Ambrose, Eisenhower, vol. II, The President, pp. 289, 645, 651; and Ewald, Eisenhower the President, p. 177).

27 Eisenhower had good and recent reason to single out Malone (see no. 118).

28 Differences of opinion between the President and his trusted Attorney General would not mar the close friendship and mutual respect they had developed since the political campaign of 1952. Brownell, however, would leave the Eisenhower Administration in the fall of 1957 to return to private law practice.

29 Eisenhower had admired Halleck since 1947. As House Majority Leader, Halleck usually could be counted on to back Eisenhower's programs in the Congress (Eisenhower, Mandate for Change, pp. 46, 502; Ambrose, Eisenhower, vol. II, The President, p. 254; Henry Z. Scheele, Charlie Halleck: A Political Biography [New York, 1966]).

30 In August 1958 Flemming would leave ODM to serve as Secretary of HEW. For Eisenhower's earlier view of Flemming see no. 23.

31 Young, Eisenhower's chief adviser on personnel, would leave public service in February 1957.

32 In January 1954 Eisenhower would write again on this subject (see no. 669).

Bibliographic reference to this document:
Eisenhower, Dwight D. Diary, 14 May 1953. In The Papers of Dwight David Eisenhower, ed. L. Galambos and D. van Ee, doc. 188. World Wide Web facsimile by The Dwight D. Eisenhower Memorial Commission of the print edition; Baltimore, MD: The Johns Hopkins University Press, 1996, http://www.eisenhowermemorial.org/presidential-papers/first-term/documents/188.cfm

 


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