Presidential Papers, Doc#460 Personal and confidential To Milton Stover Eisenhower, 9 October 1953. In The Papers of Dwight David Eisenhower

Document #460; October 9, 1953
To Milton Stover Eisenhower
Series: EM, AWF, Administration Series ; Category: Personal and confidential

The Papers of Dwight David Eisenhower, Volume XIV - The Presidency: The Middle Way
Part III: The Space Age Begins; October 1957 to January 1958
Chapter 6: Building strength when there is "no perfect answer"

 

Dear Milton: You advised me to ignore the letter that accompanied your note of the seventh. Even though your mere fowarding of the letter shows that you were somewhat bothered by the criticisms in it, I would normally follow your advice. However, I cannot fail to return to you some brief comments on it--for two reasons.1

The first is that, while the general purport of the writer's criticism has been presented to me over and over again, and is based upon an amazing ignorance of facts, he does bring up one startlingly new, not to say fantastic, allegation to sustain his preconceived notion. This allegation is that "reactionaries" recommended Warren's appointment to me.2

The second reason for comment is that the writer labors under the false but prevalent notion that bullying and leadership are synonymous; that desk-pounding is more effective than is persistent adherence to a purpose and winning to that purpose sufficient support for its achievement. For this particular kind of person, there is greater satisfaction--possibly sadistic--in seeing their opponents reviled and cursed in the public prints than there is in the knowledge that the causes for which they themselves stand are being constructively advanced.3

Now to speak about the Warren appointment for just a moment. The writer of the letter apparently assumes that a lifetime on the bench or in the exclusive practice of law would produce the highest possible qualification for the Supreme Court. I disagree.4

I believe that we need statesmanship on the Supreme Court. Statesmanship is developed in the hard knocks of a general experience, private and public. Naturally, a man occupying the post must be competent in the law--and Warren has had seventeen years of practice in public law, during which his record was one of remarkable accomplishment and success, to say nothing of dedication. He has been very definitely a liberal-conservative; he represents the kind of political, economic, and social thinking that I believe we need on the Supreme Court. Finally, he has a national name for integrity, uprightness, and courage that, again, I believe we need on the Court.

So far as come to my attention, the only people that opposed the idea of his appointment were of the Chicago Tribune stripe, the very ones that your friends say supported him!5 Yet the writer of your letter who, as a former member of the OWI, should know the power and tricks of propaganda, blindly assumes that in order to get a liberal out of the State of California, reactionaries chose to place him on the Supreme Court where, manifestly, his influence over our national economy and future will be vastly multiplied.

Now as to your friend's more general charge that the "reactionaries" are having their way in determination of policy. I wonder if he has any knowledge whatsoever of the bitterness of the fight to maintain the Excess Profits tax on the books for the next six months. I wonder if he realizes what a battle we had to get the emergency Immigration Bill through Congress. Does he know anything of the forces that opposed the extension of the Reciprocal Trade Act for another year? Does he have any appreciation of the kind of people that aligned themselves in opposition to systems of technical and military aid for our essential friends and allies of the free world?6

What I am getting at here is that if he were an accurate observer of the developing scene instead of a blind swallower of some columnist's rantings, he would discover that the forces of reaction--as he terms them--have not only not been allowed to gain control over policy or to exert undue influence over leaders in the Administration, but they have been defeated, soundly defeated, in some of their most determined efforts.

As for McCarthy. Only a short-sighted or completely inexperienced individual would urge the use of the office of the Presidency to give an opponent the publicity he so avidly desires.7 Time and time again, without apology or evasion, I--and many members of this Administration--have stood for the right of the individual, for free expression of convictions, even though those convictions might be unpopular, and for uncensored use of our libraries, except as dictated by common decency.8

We have urged that America must be true to the problems of freedom and justice as applied to the individual if America herself is to remain free. Permit me to say that I think there would be far more progress made against so-called "McCarthy-ism" if individuals of an opposing purpose would take it upon themselves to help sustain and promote their own ideals, rather than to wait and wail for a blasting of their pet enemies by someone else. Frankly, in a day when we see journalism far more concerned in so-called human interest, dramatic incidents, and bitter quarrels than it is in promoting constructive understanding of the day's problems, I have no intention whatsoever of helping promote the publicity value of anyone who disagress with me--demagogue or not!9

My final remark is that I should like to see the writer's explanation of the bitter attacks made upon this Administration by some of the well-known reactionary columnists and the Chicago Tribune series of publications.

You say that the writer supported me for the Presidency because he believed certain things about me. There is one thing you can assure him. I have not changed. I stand for exactly the same things that I have stood for many years. He or anyone else can go back over my public statements to the very first time that anyone showed enough interest in me to listen to a public statement of mine, and he will find that I have never indulged in bitter personal indictment or attack. To my mind, that practice smacks of more of the coward and the fool than of the leader.10 As ever

1 Milton had forwarded a letter addressed to him from author and diplomat Nicholas Roosevelt (A.B. Harvard 1914). A Republican from Big Sur, California, Roosevelt was a distant cousin of Presidents Theodore and Franklin Delano Roosevelt. In the Diplomatic Service he had been posted in Hungary, France, and Spain, and during World War II he had become Deputy Director of the Office of War Information. He had also served on the editorial staffs of both the New York Herald Tribune and the New York Times. Roosevelt had written to Milton, he said, out of respect for the President and concern for the welfare of the nation. His undated letter, marked "Personal and Confidential," is in AWF/A; a draft of this reply to Milton, showing Eisenhower's emendations, is in AWF/Drafts.

2 Earl Warren's appointment to the Supreme Court, Roosevelt wrote, was evidence that Eisenhower was being "circumvented by the forces of reaction in the Republican Party--by blind and selfish men who are hostile to all that he stands for, and who are playing on his inexperience in politics to seize power once more for the Old Guard leaders who have learned nothing in the last half century."

3 Roosevelt's confidence in Eisenhower's political leadership had declined, he said: "We voted for him in spite of the Old Guard, believing that he would stand on his own feet and be in the Presidency the same kind of brave, hard-headed leader he had been in his military career." Eisenhower, he argued, would never have the full support of right wing Republicans unless he could "force them to heel."

4 Roosevelt wrote that "nothing in [Warren's] record qualified him for the post of Chief Justice. His legal experience is scant."

5 For Eisenhower's dislike of the Chicago Tribune see Galambos, NATO and the Campaign of 1952, nos. 285 and 929; and in this volume nos. 172 and 238.

6 On the excess-profits tax see no. 222; on the Immigration Bill, no. 328; on the Reciprocal Trade Agreements Act, no. 250; and on technical and military aid to allies, no. 297.

7 McCarthy is "as great a menace as was Huey Long," Roosevelt wrote. He scored Eisenhower for failing to "stand up" to McCarthy for fear of losing support of the Right and harmony within the party. On Eisenhower's handling of McCarthy see Eisenhower, Mandate for Change, p. 320; Galambos, NATO and the Campaign of 1952, no. 921; and in this volume nos. 193 and 250.

8 See Public Papers of the Presidents: Eisenhower, 1953, pp. 426-28, 429-32, 465-67, 477; Eisenhower, Mandate for Change, pp. 320-21; Donovan, The Inside Story, pp. 91-92; and New York Times, June 16, 1953.

9 For an earlier version of this same theme see no. 347.

10 In a separate cover note accompanying this response (Oct. 9) Eisenhower told Milton that he had no "real objection" to Roosevelt's reading his reply, but "under no circumstances is he to be allowed to use it or keep it" (AWF/A).

Eisenhower sent copies of Roosevelt's letter to Bryce Harlow, C. D. Jackson, and Herbert Brownell for comment (memorandums, Eisenhower to Jackson and Eisenhower to Brownell, both dated Oct. 10, 1953, AWF/A). On October 26 Harlow would reply that even though Roosevelt was wrong in many respects, his views could be "relevant to certain critical developments in the next few months." He proposed that positive action be taken in matters such as drought relief, social security, and tax relief to regain the support of the average citizen, who has traditionally believed that the Republican party "doesn't give a tinker's dam about him" (ibid.).

On October 21 Jackson would reply that he had read Roosevelt's letter with "considerable distress." Acknowledging that Roosevelt did not understand Eisenhower's philosophy with respect to "die-hard Republicans in Government," he wrote that he had nevertheless stated "very explicitly and bluntly what is going through the minds of a lot of people in this country." Citing the controversy over Warren's selection, Jackson suggested that if Eisenhower's appointments hereafter could be "unmistakenly olympian," his critics would be quieted, and his basic philosophy validated (ibid.). There is no record of Brownell's reply in EM.

Bibliographic reference to this document:
Eisenhower, Dwight D. Personal and confidential To Milton Stover Eisenhower, 9 October 1953. In The Papers of Dwight David Eisenhower, ed. L. Galambos and D. van Ee, doc. 460. World Wide Web facsimile by The Dwight D. Eisenhower Memorial Commission of the print edition; Baltimore, MD: The Johns Hopkins University Press, 1996, http://www.eisenhowermemorial.org/presidential-papers/first-term/documents/460.cfm

 


Dwight D. Eisenhower Memorial Commission
1629 K Street, NW Suite 801
Washington DC 20006
Phone: 202.296.0004    Fax: 202.296.6464