Presidential Papers, Doc#842 Personal and confidential To Alfred Maximilian Gruenther, 26 April 1954. In The Papers of Dwight David Eisenhower

Document #842; April 26, 1954
To Alfred Maximilian Gruenther
Series: Gruenther Papers ; Category: Personal and confidential

The Papers of Dwight David Eisenhower, Volume XV - The Presidency: The Middle Way
Part V: Maintaining "a united defense"; April 1954 to August 1954
Chapter 10: Losing the war "they could not win"

 

Dear Al: I am most appreciative of your letter.1 While I had some secondhand reports of your feeling that the French leaders had practically abdicated, I had not before known of your personal views with respect to the astonishing proposal for unilateral American intervention in Indo-China.2 Your adverse opinion exactly parallels mine.

As you know, you and I started more than three years ago trying to convince the French that they could not win the Indo-China war and particularly could not get real American support in that region unless they would unequivocally pledge independence to the Associated States upon the achievement of military victory.3 Along with this--indeed as a corollary to it--this Administration has been arguing that no Western power can go to Asia militarily, except as one of a concert of powers, which concert must include local Asiatic peoples.4

To contemplate anything else is to lay ourselves open to the charge of imperialism and colonialism or--at the very least--of objectionable paternalism. Even, therefore, if we could by some sudden stroke assure the saving of the Dien Bien Phu garrison, I think that under the conditions proposed by the French the free world would lose more than it would gain. Neither the British nor the French would now agree with the coalition idea--though for widely differing reasons. Consequently, we have had to stand by while the tactical situation has grown worse and worse. Now, unless there should be a sudden development of discouragement on the part of the enemy, it looks as if Dien Bien Phu could scarcely survive. (Not that I, either as a local or a theatre commander, would ever agree to this. I believe that as long as the garrison can get food and ammunition, it can hold out. Of course it is not difficult to imagine conditions under which such re-supply would become impossible.)

One of the great difficulties that the French seem to have these days is the inability of its government to make up its mind as to what to do in any given set of circumstances. Ever since 1945 France has been unable to decide whether she most fears Russia or Germany. As a consequence, her policies in Europe have been nothing but confusion; starts and stops; advances and retreats! She wants still to be considered a world power, but is entirely unready to make the sacrifices necessary to sustain such a position. She prefers to limit her sacrifices and so, finally, she is bound to be shown up, as in Indo-China, as incapable of doing anything important by herself.

The result of this indecision has been tragic for her. She has been losing at one and the same time both her position as a world power and the sympathy and respect of free peoples.

For those of us who have recognized and admired the basic virtues of the great mass of Frenchmen, this spectacle has been saddening indeed. It seems incredible that a nation which had only the help of a tiny British Army when it turned back the German flood in 1914 and withstood the gigantic 1916 attacks at Verdun could now be reduced to the point that she cannot produce a few hundred technicians to keep planes flying properly in Indo-China.5

I believe the difficulty is largely a matter of spirit; unfortunately there is no one in sight who seems to have the capability of reversing the trend toward pessimism, defeatism and dejection. As you will remember, you and I once thought that Pleven could possibly do it--now you report that he seems to be one of the most emphatic in proclaiming French futility.6

The only hope is to produce a new and inspirational leader--and I do not mean one that is 6 feet 5 and who considers himself to be, by some miraculous biological and transmigrative process, the offspring of Clemenceau and Jeanne d'Arc.7

Maybe, if you learn to speak French, you might qualify! I could get you a suit of nice shiny white armor!

In any event, it is all very frustrating and discouraging, but I do believe as follows:

(a). That the loss of Dien Bien Phu does not necessarily mean the loss of the Indo-China war.

(b). The heroic exploits of the French garrison (which are all the more wonderful in view of the weak support they have had from Paris) should be glorified and extolled as indicative of the French character and determination.

(c). We should all (United States, France, Thailand, United Kingdom, Australia, New Zealand, et al) begin conferring at once on means of successfully stopping the Communist advances in Southeast Asia.

(d). The plan should include the use of the bulk of the French Army in Indo-China.

(e). The plan should assure freedom of political action to Indo-China promptly upon attainment of victory.

(f). Additional ground forces should come from Asiatic and European troops already in the region.8

(g). The general security and peaceful purposes and aims of such a concert of nations should be announced publicly--as in NATO. Then we possibly wouldn't have to fight.

Augusta was fine, but I had to take a couple of grueling days out for a trip to New York and Kentucky. If you have any specific suggestions for our June encounter, let me know.9

Give my love to Grace, and, as always, the best to yourself.

As ever

1 Gruenther's April 25, 1954, letter (AWF/A) told Eisenhower that French leaders were in "a depressed state of mind" over the impending disaster at Dien Bien Phu (see the preceding document): "They seem to think that the end of the world is about to descend upon them and they have little determination to see it thru." Gruenther had recently attended a dinner with French Foreign Minister Georges Bidault and reported his condition as "wobbly all evening." Bidault, said Gruenther, "gave the impression of being tipsy--and I don't think he was."

2 On April 23 Dulles had reported to Washington that Gruenther had expressed the view that he had never seen French morale so low. Under Secretary of State Smith had passed this opinion along to Eisenhower on the following day. In his letter to Eisenhower Gruenther had written, "I would not recommend U.S. unilateral intervention. . . . I think we can save NATO anyhow in spite of the setback we shall receive from an Indo China reverse. And the disadvantages of unilateral intervention are very very great." (For background on the French request for an American air strike to save Dien Bien Phu see nos. 839 and 841.) Eisenhower told Smith that the French wanted the United States to intervene with Americans serving as "junior partners" who would provide material support "while they themselves retain the authority in that region." Eisenhower said he would refuse to "go along with them on that or any such notion" (Dulles to Smith, DULTE 10, Apr. 23, 1954, AWF/D-H; Telephone conversation, Eisenhower and Smith, Apr. 24, 1954, AWF/D; Billings-Yun, Decision Against War, pp. 135-46; and Herring and Immerman, "Eisenhower, Dulles, and Dienbienphu," pp. 357-60). On the evening of April 24 Dulles had told Laniel that the United States would not intervene without British support--which would not be forthcoming (Dulles to Smith, DULTE 17, Apr. 24, 1954, AWF/D-H; see also DULTE 13, DULTE 15, DULTE 3, and DULTE 5, Apr. 24-25, 1954, ibid.). For developments see no. 847.

3 See Galambos, NATO and the Campaign of 1952, nos. 88, 89 for Eisenhower's 1951 views on the French war in Indochina. He was then serving as Supreme Allied Commander, Europe.

4 See no. 816.

5 Eisenhower had long been puzzled by what he thought was a deterioration of French morale; see Galambos, Columbia University, no. 1072. On the desperate need for aircraft technicians in Indochina see nos. 718 and 722 in these volumes.

6 See no. 776; see also Galambos, NATO and the Campaign of 1952, no. 711. In regard to morale, Gruenther had said that "Pleven is especially bad."

7 Eisenhower was referring to General Charles de Gaulle, who would not return to power until 1958. Eisenhower had earlier chosen Pleven as his candidate to become the new Joan of Arc or Georges Clemenceau; see no. 261.

8 U.S. national security policy, as expressed in NSC 162/2 called for America's allies to furnish the ground forces needed in future conflicts involving "local aggressions" (State, Foreign Relations, 1952-1954, vol. II, National Security Affairs, pt. 1, p. 591; see also van Ee, "From the New Look to Flexible Response," p. 326).

9 Eisenhower had returned from Augusta, Georgia, on the previous day. On April 22 he had flown to New York City to address the American Newspaper Publishers Association, and on the following day he had flown to Kentucky. There he had visited Fort Knox, Hodgenville, Louisville, and Transylvania College. Gruenther was planning a trip to the United States in mid-June. See Gruenther to Eisenhower, March 21, 24, 1954, and Eisenhower to Gruenther, March 22, 1954, AWF/A; for developments see no. 889.

Bibliographic reference to this document:
Eisenhower, Dwight D. Personal and confidential To Alfred Maximilian Gruenther, 26 April 1954. In The Papers of Dwight David Eisenhower, ed. L. Galambos and D. van Ee, doc. 842. World Wide Web facsimile by The Dwight D. Eisenhower Memorial Commission of the print edition; Baltimore, MD: The Johns Hopkins University Press, 1996, http://www.eisenhowermemorial.org/presidential-papers/first-term/documents/842.cfm

 


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